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Ethos Issue 1, October 2006

Population and Policy
Interview with Joseph Chamie

As the former United Nations Chief Demographer, Dr Joseph Chamie is one of the world’s leading authorities on population change and movement. Speaking to Ethos, he outlined the implications of global demographic trends for public policy in Singapore and elsewhere.

 

To what extent can government policy effectively influence long-term population trends?
When it comes to population and government policy, it is very important to distinguish between the three components of population change: fertility, mortality and migration.

Government policy can be very effective in reducing mortality, for example, by immunising people against disease and so on. It can also change migratory patterns, with programmes, infrastructure and incentives. Laws — for instance, the legal age to drink, drive, vote or retire and receive social security — can also affect age structure and behaviour.

Fertility is a more difficult matter. In most societies, it is generally up to the couple to decide on the number and spacing of their children, based on their own calculation of the benefits and the costs. When fertility is high, governments can facilitate the reduction in fertility that normally comes about with urbanisation, lower mortality and increased education, with incentives and investments in schools, jobs and so on. But when fertility declines to very low levels, what can governments do?

 

Incentives to bring down fertility have worked well in the past. But it is evidently much more difficult to bring up fertility rates. Can Singapore, with one of the lowest Total Fertility Rates in the world at 1.24, hope to improve its situation?
Very low fertility will be a big preoccupation for societies in the 21st century: is this a temporal phenomenon that will correct itself or is it something that is going to be the case for all countries in the coming decades?

The ideal of countries, of course, is to have a transition to replacement levels. We can look at countries by their Total Fertility Rate (TFR) – the ones above 1.5 and the ones below. Countries that have 1.8 or 1.9 children per couple, such as France and the UK, may be able to maintain their population size by trying to raise it slightly or bringing in migrants.

There are also many countries with a TFR below 1.5: Japan, Russia, Korea, Italy, Spain, Greece, Ukraine, Georgia, Lithuania and Singapore. The research I have been doing indicates that government policy may have some modest impact. However, it is very unlikely that countries with fertility rates below 1.5 will get back to replacement level any time soon. The Swedish have been able to increase the fertility rate for a cross section of the population at a certain point in time, but then it has come back down again. So to get the current 1.24 up to perhaps 1.8 for Singapore will be a major challenge.

In the coming years, however, Singapore’s TFR may stay at 1.2 to 1.24, but then it is likely to go up to perhaps to 1.5 or 1.6. The mean age of childbearing has been rising, but this rise will cease, resulting in 10% to 20% increase in the fertility rate. Public encouragement, media and benefits may also have some small effect. There are also people who are having difficulty conceiving, who may be helped by new means. All these factors could increase fertility.

The French, with a fertility rate at 1.9, may be a useful example to consider. They have been able to create a culture where women and men believe that they can have a family and children and still work — so they have preschool and after school assistance and so on. But in many countries, couples are finding it hard to raise a family with two or three children when both husband and wife are working outside the home.