| |
Ethos Issue 3, Oct 2007
Making Workfare Work: The US Experience
Interview with Lawrence M. Mead

In the US, people stay on welfare mainly
because they are not even looking for work, not because jobs
are unavailable. To be unemployed, you have to be available
for work—that is, you have to have entered the labour
force—but have not yet accepted a job. Most people who
enter the labour force find jobs so quickly that they are
never recorded as unemployed at all. Similarly, those who
leave jobs are seldom left jobless—they also leave the
labour force and so again are not classified as unemployed.
Most welfare recipients are not in the labour force and are
not even looking for work. That is a much bigger problem than
unemployment.
Unemployment as a problem is enshrined in
our collective memory in the US because of the Great Depression
of the 1930s, when jobs clearly were lacking and a quarter
of the labour force was unemployed. Joblessness has been far
less of a problem since then. It is a problem mostly for the
higher reaches of the income hierarchy. They tend to have
expectations of getting certain kinds of jobs, with conditions
they think are optimal. So they do not accept just any job
and unemployment for this group tends to be longer-lasting.
In contrast, among the poor, the overwhelming problem is not
employment or even unemployment but just getting into the
workforce and staying there.
Is there a proper time to implement
welfare reform? Are there certain conditions that should be
in place before making workfare a permanent feature of the
social safety net?
In the US, welfare reform did not come too early since we
had a history of prior experimentation going back as far as
the 1960s. In fact, there was already a work dimension in
welfare policies as early as 1961. It increased in intensity
up until the late 1980s when the Family Support Act was enacted.
The enforcement of work in the US did not begin with the Personal
Responsibility Act of 1996, although that legislation accelerated
the process. The earlier experimentation taught that enforcing
work in welfare was possible and how best to do it.
In Singapore, the Government is not acting
too soon because the Workfare Income Supplement is not so
radical as to change everything. Furthermore, it is designed
in such a way that ongoing adjustments are possible. The Workfare
Bonus Scheme, which preceded the Supplement, might be an even
better idea. These proposals respond to your welfare problem,
which is mostly about low-income workers and not, as in the
US, getting people to work.
While it is not too soon to act, it is also
critical to research the effects of the current bonus system
and the Workfare Income Supplement, to see their actual effects
and for the purpose of fine-tuning.
Singapore might want to learn from the US
model, but bear in mind that every government that reforms
welfare has to generate its own consensus about how to do
that. In the US, every state made its own decisions about
reform, although within federal rules. There was less borrowing
from other states than many had expected. Even the more influential
states, such as Wisconsin, had little influence on how welfare
reform occurred in other states.
Singapore will have to justify what it has
done based on its own experience. The example of Wisconsin
is worth only so much to you! Only after a series of experiments
will you know how best to help your low-wage workers and get
support for your policies.
Lawrence M. Mead is Professor of Politics
at New York University, where he teaches public policy and
American government. Professor Mead is an authority on the
problems of poverty and welfare in the US. Among academics,
he was the principal exponent of work requirements in welfare—the
approach that now dominates US national policy. He is also
a leading scholar of the politics and implementation of welfare
reform, subjects on which he has written several books and
over a hundred publications. These works have helped shape
welfare reform in the US and abroad. Professor Mead visited
Singapore as a Distinguished Visitor of the Centre for Governance
and Leadership (CGL), Civil Service College, where he met
with senior policymakers and delivered a New Insights Lecture
on "Welfare Reform in America: Successes and Limitations".
This article was extracted from an interview conducted by
Dr Theresa Devasahayam, CGL Senior Researcher, on 23 June
2007.

| NOTES |
| 01. |
The Earned Income Tax Credit (EITC),
sometimes called the Earned Income Credit, is a refundable
federal income tax credit for low-income working individuals
and families. Congress originally approved the tax credit
legislation in 1975 in part to offset the burden of
social security taxes and to provide an incentive to
work. When the EITC exceeds the amount of taxes owed,
it results in a tax refund to those who claim and qualify
for the credit. To qualify, taxpayers must meet certain
requirements and file a tax return, even if they did
not earn enough money to be obligated to file a tax
return. |
II |
|