Ethos Issue 6, Jul 2009
Thinking Beyond the Crisis
Conversation with Bradford DeLong

Noted economics historian and commentator
Professor Bradford DeLong, traces the roots of the current crisis, and
expresses confidence in the long-term resilience of the global economy.
In what way is the current global crisis
similar to ones in the past, such as the
Asian financial crisis of the nineties?
As in the Asian case, this financial
crisis was triggered by what you might
call “overinvestment” or “irrational
exuberance”, the effects of which then
become orders of magnitude greater
than the original problem.
The quantity of bad investments
made in Thailand in 1993 to 1996 was
quite small relative to the collapse in
Asian financial values in 1997 and 1998.
Similarly, the amount of bad subprime
mortgage loans made in the US is at
the most US$1 trillion, and yet we have
a US$20- to US$30-trillion collapse in
global financial asset values as a result.
In 1997 to 1998, you had a slight
collapse of the financial market’s risk
tolerance and a flight to the safety of
the US dollar. This meant that domestic
central banks could do little to calm
the markets or diminish the amount
of risk held by the private sector.
It took the International Monetary
Fund (IMF) six months before it
recognised that it was faced with a
crisis which didn’t originate in bad
government policies, but instead, was
due to the collapse of the private
sector’s risk tolerance. But once
that was acknowledged, and the US
Treasury and Wall Street banks made
their move, things turned around
remarkably quickly.
In fact, this was the sort of nightmare
crisis Nouriel Roubini predicted years
ago—that the US housing sector would go
bust and cause a panic flight from dollardenominated
assets, leading to a collapse
in the financial system. If the People’s Bank
of China saw its dollar-denominated
portfolio shrinking and decided to
dump its assets, the US Federal Reserve
would be powerless to respond. We’ve
heard about organisations being too
big to fail, but the US in a full financial
crisis would be too big to rescue.
Fortunately, however, what we seem
to have at the moment is a much smaller
crisis: there is still a rush toward dollardenominated
assets which are still seen
as safe in the global economy, and that is much easier to handle. The People’s
Bank of China knows that it would
be very difficult to get out of dollardenominated
assets fully; its best course
is to postpone its paper losses into the
future where they will no longer matter
as much.
Was there anything policymakers and
regulators could have done to prevent
the crisis?
After the fact, it always seems clear
that you should regulate more. But
then, you might also have halted
financial innovations which were
nevertheless useful.
Economists believe that the world’s
safe real interest ought to be around
2% per year in real terms—reflecting
stable growth rates. And the global
equity premium—the expected return
you get by investing in riskier stock and
corporate equities—is about 2.2%, if you
do the sums.
Yet when you look at the real world,
the safe interest rate is close to 0% per
year and the risky rate is around 8%.
We seem to be doing a really poor job
of mobilising the collective risk-bearing
capacity of the global economy.
In other words, we should be able
to do a much better job of diversifying
everyone’s financial portfolio, so that
people would then be much more
willing to hold risky assets and much
more willing to invest. We ought to
have more sophisticated financial
systems and portfolio diversification,
more confidence in safety and much
higher investment.
While financial innovation that
leads to profoundly foolish portfolios
like those seen in the current crisis
should be curbed, the market would not
be able to do its job of spreading more
of the collective risk-bearing capacity of
the world—and a lot of it isn’t mobilised—if financial innovations were restrained.
Look at the Industrial Revolution: it
introduced factories, canals, railroads
and so on, all of which required
the mobilisation of the savings of
huge numbers of individuals to fuel
different enterprises. There was
also diversification, which assured
individual savers that if any enterprise
they didn’t control or didn’t understand
went bankrupt, it wouldn’t carry all of
their wealth down with it.
Can the US continue to increase spending
in order to stimulate the economy?
Fiscal-driven recovery in Japan failed
in the 1990s and early 2000s: it led to
disastrous long-term government debt-to-GDP ratio. But it has to do with limits
to Japan’s debt-bearing capacity—it is the
ultimate ageing society; immigration is
not going to be high. The debt-bearing
capacity of the Japanese economy
isn’t growing, so they were rightly
concerned about unsustainable debt
accumulation patterns.
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